AKSU Journal Of History & Global Studies
AKSU Journal of History and Global Studies (AJHGS) is an international double blind peer-reviewed interdisciplinary Journal. In line with its multidisciplinary nature, AJHGS receives articles from scholars in the discipline of Arts, Humanities and science such as History, Public Administration, Economics,· Sociology and Anthropology, Religion and Philosophy, whose Research Findings seek to proffer socio-economic, political, legal, religious and environmental solutions to myraids of problems facing African societies in particular and humanity generally, and thereof to preserve man, his environment and civilizations.
A History of Agriculture and Trade Interconnections and Local Governance around the Tomas Dam Market Network in Kano Hinterland, 1975-2021
This study examines the historical evolution of agricultural markets and local governance around the Tomas Dam market network in the Kano hinterland between 1975 and 2021. Situated within the broader transformation of rural economies in northern Nigeria, the research explores how irrigation, seasonal agricultural cycles, and market interconnectivity shapes patterns of trade and social organization. Focusing on key markets including Laberiya, Wailare, Makoda, Gawon-Bature, Kayanore, Shenteke, Maitsidau, and Danmarke, the study investigates their origins. Employing a qualitative historical methodology, it draws on secondary sources, field reports, and oral interviews with traders and market leaders. The findings reveal that market activity is strongly influenced by seasonal production cycles, with Laberiya functioning as a dominant dry season hub, while other markets play a complementary role within an integrated network. Governance is centered on the institution of the Sarkin Kasuwa and market committees which regulate trade, revenue collection, and dispute resolution. The study contributes to historiography by offering a micro historical account of rural market systems and highlight their enduring relevance for contemporary debates on local governance and rural development in northern Nigeria.
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African Regional Coorperative Agreement for Research, Development and Training in Nuclear Science and Technology: A Brief, 1995– 2020
The African Regional Cooperative Agreement for Research, Development, and Training in Nuclear Science and Technology represents a collaborative initiative among African nations aimed at enhancing the role of nuclear science in advancing socioeconomic and political development across the continent. This agreement encompasses diverse peaceful applications of nuclear technology, all directed toward supporting national, sub-regional, and continental development objectives. This paper critically examines the framework and significance of the agreement, with particular emphasis on how existing infrastructure and professional expertise in nuclear science can be effectively harnessed to benefit African societies. The study finds that the regional framework has contributed meaningfully to several key sectors, including public health, agriculture and food security, industrial processes and quality assurance, information and communication technology, as well as nuclear safety and security.
Evolution And Development of Intelligence in International Relations
The intelligence community has come to stay following its advent and evolution from a long time ago. Even in the early biblical times intelligence was adopted in espionage and spying by the children of Israel over the land of Cannan flowing with milk and honey. For instance, it was the intelligence report received by Moses that enhanced a smooth operation that led to the conquest of that land and outright possession of it. As nation States emerged, diplomatic alliances and collaborations formalized and deepened the evolution of intelligence. This study found out that non-State actors including terrorist and insurgent groups have equally used intelligence as its major tool for information gathering before launching mayhem on an area. The intelligence organizations of States surpass that of terrorist organizations in all ramification and can therefore be used in full capacity to contain any plans of terrorist groups, militia and even community conflict. The paper uses analytical method of historical writing and relied mainly on secondary sources to analyse the evolution of intelligence, argues that intelligence has become a major mechanism used by States for security purposes. The study proffered that intelligence and early warning mechanisms can be used together to combat any act of subversion of any kind by either terrorist, militia or insurgent organizations.
Bargaining In Diplomacy: Interrogating Elements of Capabilities and Leverages of States in The Global System
Bargaining has long been a central feature of international diplomacy and continues to play a significant role in contemporary interstate relations. It is often assumed that powerful and economically advanced states possess inherent advantages in negotiation processes, enabling them to influence outcomes in their favour when engaging with weaker and less developed states. This assumption is historically grounded in the evolution of international relations, which has largely been shaped by power dynamics and political dominance. Traditionally, a state’s bargaining strength is associated with several factors, including geopolitical position, economic stability, military capability, and overall national influence. However, this paper critically examines whether the possession of such advantages necessarily guarantees dominance in negotiation or diminishes the bargaining capacity of weaker states. Drawing from both legal and psychological perspectives, the paper argues that successful negotiation and sustainable agreements are fundamentally dependent on mutual consent between parties, whether in domestic or international contexts. It further contends that effective bargaining is rooted in psychological principles of interaction, where the assertiveness of stronger or wealthier states does not automatically negate the negotiating power or participation of weaker or less developed states.
Cloth Weaving Tradition in Ubulu-Ukwu, C. 1200 -1980
This paper is an analysis of the Cloth Weaving Tradition in Ubulu-Ukwu C.1200 to 1980. In Ubulu-Ukwu, historical evidence reveals that there is a lot of literature on the political, cultural heritage, religious and social experiences of the people which have been extensively researched. However, studies on cloth weaving tradition in Ubulu-Ukwu are quite scanty but deserve insignificant attention because the industry is still a largely unexplored terrain of Ubulu-Ukwu history. As such, this work seeks to redress the imbalance by exploring the industrial past of Ubulu-Ukwu people with regards to cloth weaving craft. Also, Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were conducted and structured to add depth to the data and make different perspectives possible. The key conclusion of the given paper is that this period among the Ubulu-Ukwu people featured a viable industry of cloth weaving.
Intergroup Relations and Identity Shifts between Nembe and Opuama to 1970
This study examines relations between Nembe and Opuama from their origin at Obiama to the end of the Civil War in 1970. It draws on primary and secondary sources and utilises Social Identity Theory to interpret how contact changed over time. In the earlier period, kinship, marriage, exchange and ritual kept both groups in close contact. Identity took shape within these ties and was not fixed. The history of naming reflects this. Sẹibiri first referred to dancing. Later, Seibiri came to be used in a negative way. This did not remain. The name Opuama replaced it and marked a clear shift in how the community chose to be known. Colonial rule altered existing arrangements. Local authority weakened, and new forms of rule, mission activity and schooling spread. Contact between Nembe and Opuama continued, but under different conditions. The Civil War brought further strain. Movement became unsafe, trade declined and contact reduced. Activities that once linked both groups became difficult to sustain. Trust also weakened during this period. Relations between Nembe and Opuama did not follow a fixed path. They changed with shifting conditions. Even so, the link between them remained.
Users And Uses of Firearms in Calabar Province, 1917 – 1960
This study investigates the users and uses of firearms in Calabar Province between 1917 and 1960. During this period, it appeared that a significant number of indigenous people of Calabar Province became users of firearms, which served their varied firearm needs, including the use of firearms to achieve some political, economic and socio-cultural needs of the people of the province. Firearms were also utilised by some indigenous people of the province for varied purposes, including the utilisation of firearms for various constructive and destructive engagements. This study deployed the historical research design of the qualitative approach in analysing available historical evidence used in the study, while relying on primary sources of evidence complemented with secondary sources of evidence. The primary evidence includes Archival materials, memorandum and circulars on firearm users and uses in Calabar Province from the National Archives Calabar (NAC). The secondary sources of evidence are drawn from the analysis and interpretation of primary evidence, which include book chapters, journals, articles, research papers, newspapers and magazines relating to Calabar Province on the users and uses of firearms. The Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Journal of African History, among others, served as the most vital journal outlets for obtaining evidence for the study. The findings of the study show that the technical potency of firearms captivated the attention of indigenous people of the province, leading to the emergence of numerous licensed and unlicensed users of firearms, as well as the multiple utilizations of firearms by indigenous people to satisfy their firearm needs in the province. Therefore, it is apt to say that the technical potency of firearms captivated the attention of indigenous people of the province, resulting in a significant number of firearm users who utilised firearms for varied purposes during the colonial era.
Umuada and Peace Building in Emerging Youth Restiveness in Igboland, 2010-2020.
The study examines the role of Umuada in peace building amid rising youth restiveness in Igbo land. The Umuada institution represents a traditional female social structure in Igbo society where married and unmarried daughters maintain significant cultural, spiritual and political authority within their natal communities. The paper examines the historical foundations of Umuada authority, their traditional roles in dispute settlement and their unique positioning as both insiders and outsiders within their natal communities a status that grant them moral authority and impartiality in mediating conflicts. The paper adopted historical qualitative research methodology which relied on primary and secondary sources. The finding reveals that Umuada groups employs various strategies like dialogue facilitation between aggrieved youth and traditional authorities, economic empowerment initiatives, cultural reorientation programs and their ritual power to enforce peace agreement. identifies both the strengths of this indigenous peace building approach inclining cultural legitimacy, gender sensitive perspectives and deep community knowledge and its limitations in addressing structural issues driving youth restiveness. Again, this discourse on indigenous conflict resolution mechanism, gender and peace building in African contexts, and the relevance of traditional institutions in contemporary governance will minimize youth restiveness. The paper concludes that the integrating Umuada structures into formal peace building frameworks in addressing the need for institutional strengthening and intergenerational knowledge transfer to ensure sustainability.
Proliferation and Abuse of Nigerian Army Uniforms Before 2016
*]:pointer-events-auto [content-visibility:auto] supports-[content-visibility:auto]:[contain-intrinsic-size:auto_100lvh] R6Vx5W_threadScrollVars scroll-mb-[calc(var(--scroll-root-safe-area-inset-bottom,0px)+var(--thread-response-height))] scroll-mt-[calc(var(--header-height)+min(200px,max(70px,20svh)))]" dir="auto" data-turn-id="request-69dd6f76-5618-83ea-92b7-663a949030ff-4" data-testid="conversation-turn-90" data-scroll-anchor="false" data-turn="assistant"> The article examined the proliferation and abuses of Nigerian military uniforms in a democratic setting. It also looked at the attendant security implications of such abuses before 2016, when the Nigerian Military harmonised the No. 6 Dress (camouflage uniforms) across the Services to check their proliferation. The article argued that although citizens recognised and respected the uniforms of the Nigerian military, some criminal elements procured them to commit crimes, sometimes using fake military identity cards. The historical method was adopted for this paper, utilising a rich collection of field interviews, official documents, and secondary evidence. The article argued that the proliferation and abuse of military uniforms, especially combat uniforms, further militarised the Nigerian State and posed serious security threats with attendant image damage for the Nigerian Military and a dwindling respect for the uniform. Consequently, the Nigerian Military High Command harmonised the combat uniform of the Armed Forces and addressed existing lapses in the procurement system, though with limited success at curbing its proliferation and abuse.
Nigerian Film and Mirroring the Politico-Historical Perspective of the African Culture in King of Justice and Suicide King
*]:pointer-events-auto [content-visibility:auto] supports-[content-visibility:auto]:[contain-intrinsic-size:auto_100lvh] R6Vx5W_threadScrollVars scroll-mb-[calc(var(--scroll-root-safe-area-inset-bottom,0px)+var(--thread-response-height))] scroll-mt-[calc(var(--header-height)+min(200px,max(70px,20svh)))]" dir="auto" data-turn-id="request-69dd6f76-5618-83ea-92b7-663a949030ff-2" data-testid="conversation-turn-88" data-scroll-anchor="false" data-turn="assistant"> Politico-historical culture of a traditional setting of African people can be seen as the collective endeavour in living, learning, developing and coming to terms with the traditional environment of people in a particular place, season and time. In any traditional African community, the aspect of governance is dependent on the enshrined customs of choosing leaders that has become part of the culture in the traditional political process. In a typical African (Nigerian) society, tradition in the realm of politics has experienced a range of disorder, tussle, sycophancy, chaos, betrayal, oppression, murder, deception, corruption, intrigues and other attendant vices. The Nigerian films have reflected much on traditional political culture in Nigeria as a way of life, which is the focus that this seminar sought to examine through the analysis of these relevant and selected Nigerian films: King of Justice and Suicide King. The objective of this paper is to assess the political culture in the African traditional setting in terms of practices and contents as being mirrored in Nigerian films. The paper proves that Nigerian films are not figments of fantasy but are possible avenues through which the political culture and traditional practices of a particular people can be mirrored for communication of positive change.
Nigeria-Cameroon Socio-Cultural Relations: A Borderland Perspective
*]:pointer-events-auto [content-visibility:auto] supports-[content-visibility:auto]:[contain-intrinsic-size:auto_100lvh] R6Vx5W_threadScrollVars scroll-mb-[calc(var(--scroll-root-safe-area-inset-bottom,0px)+var(--thread-response-height))] scroll-mt-[calc(var(--header-height)+min(200px,max(70px,20svh)))]" dir="auto" data-turn-id="request-69dd6f76-5618-83ea-92b7-663a949030ff-0" data-testid="conversation-turn-86" data-scroll-anchor="false" data-turn="assistant"> This paper examines Nigeria–Cameroon socio-cultural relations across three historical epochs: the pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial eras, using a borderland perspective. It highlights how communities straddling the frontier have maintained ethnic, cultural, religious, and economic linkages despite shifting political orders. The paper argues that while colonialism imposed artificial boundaries that disrupted older networks, borderland communities have consistently adapted, negotiating their identities, livelihoods, and belonging across state borders. The Nigeria–Cameroon border is more than a geopolitical demarcation; it is a lived space where socio-cultural interactions unfold daily. What has emerged is that the Nigeria–Cameroon borderland inhabitants have strong ties among themselves, anchored by their shared resources, exchanges, ethnic and cultural affiliations, despite the various skirmishes experienced at the state-centric level between Nigeria and Cameroon. The continuous relations and peaceful coexistence among the border people have helped build feelings of trust and goodwill, making irreconcilable conflict unthinkable among them. Therefore, the border communities have served as mediating structures for the attainment of peace between the two states. It is, therefore, reasonable to conclude that the border communities serve as essential elements for fostering diplomatic ties between Nigeria and Cameroon.
Language And Communication in Pre-Colonial Nigerian Society
*]:pointer-events-auto [content-visibility:auto] supports-[content-visibility:auto]:[contain-intrinsic-size:auto_100lvh] R6Vx5W_threadScrollVars scroll-mb-[calc(var(--scroll-root-safe-area-inset-bottom,0px)+var(--thread-response-height))] scroll-mt-[calc(var(--header-height)+min(200px,max(70px,20svh)))]" dir="auto" data-turn-id="request-69dd6f76-5618-83ea-92b7-663a949030ff-5" data-testid="conversation-turn-84" data-scroll-anchor="false" data-turn="assistant"> This paper studies the diverse linguistic landscapes and communicative practices that thrived in pre-colonial Nigerian society. It examines the rich array of indigenous languages, their unique structures, and their roles in shaping social, political, economic, and spiritual life. It investigates various forms of communication—verbal and nonverbal—including oral traditions, proverbs, storytelling, music, dance, rituals, and symbolic systems. It highlights how these communicative modes facilitated knowledge transmission, conflict resolution, social cohesion, and the expression of cultural identities within and between different ethnic groups. The paper also examines the impact of inter-group interactions and trade on linguistic borrowings and the development of lingua franca in certain regions. Through this exploration, this essay provides a better understanding of the context-dependent nature of language and communication in pre-colonial Nigeria, underscoring their significance in shaping contemporary Nigerian society.
Indigenous Methods of Conflict Resolution in Oron During the Pre-Colonial Era.
*]:pointer-events-auto [content-visibility:auto] supports-[content-visibility:auto]:[contain-intrinsic-size:auto_100lvh] R6Vx5W_threadScrollVars scroll-mb-[calc(var(--scroll-root-safe-area-inset-bottom,0px)+var(--thread-response-height))] scroll-mt-[calc(var(--header-height)+min(200px,max(70px,20svh)))]" dir="auto" data-turn-id="request-69dd6f76-5618-83ea-92b7-663a949030ff-3" data-testid="conversation-turn-82" data-scroll-anchor="false" data-turn="assistant"> Some Eurocentric writers asserted that African societies before the coming of European were perpetually at war with itself, “It had no movement or development to exhibit”. But historical evidence abound that such views were erroneous without verifiable historical fact. Like other parts of African societies, the Oron pre-colonial era had ways and means by which they settled conflicts which arose among them whether in their families or in the course of interactions with one another in larger settings. The people devised means to live in peace and harmony with each other by reducing injustice and settled disagreements through their indigenous methods of conflict resolution. This paper examined the various methods of conflict resolution during the pre-colonial period and drew from both primary and secondary sources. These sources were interrogated through critical and analytical method for historical reconstruction. The study found out that the adoption of indigenous methods such as their different units of political organization and administration, socio-cultural milieu and religious belief system in conflict resolution facilitated peaceful coexistence, unity and development of the society. It therefore, concluded that rather than fanned the embers of war or promote occurrence of conflict, deliberate efforts were adopted to enhanced cordial relationship, through fair play and confidence in the people and about their society.
Ecowas At 50: Achievements and Prospects, 1975–2025
*]:pointer-events-auto [content-visibility:auto] supports-[content-visibility:auto]:[contain-intrinsic-size:auto_100lvh] R6Vx5W_threadScrollVars scroll-mb-[calc(var(--scroll-root-safe-area-inset-bottom,0px)+var(--thread-response-height))] scroll-mt-[calc(var(--header-height)+min(200px,max(70px,20svh)))]" dir="auto" data-turn-id="request-69dd6f76-5618-83ea-92b7-663a949030ff-0" data-testid="conversation-turn-80" data-scroll-anchor="false" data-turn="assistant"> The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was fifty years old on May 28, 2025 which marks Golden Jubilee of ECOWAS. Nigeria and Togo played significant roles in the formation of ECOWAS. This was through the efforts of General Yakubu Gowon of Nigeria and his Togolese counterpart, Gnasingbé Eyadéma. ECOWAS has evolved and remain strong since its formation. ECOWAS has never experienced any setback that leads to its collapse, the organization has remained strong since its formation in 1975. The study found out that at inception the organization was mainly for economic, self-reliance and cooperation of all countries in West Africa. However, issues of security became imperative due to the prevalence of conflict in the region and the fact that economic activities cannot operates in an environment of chaos. Issues of security resulted in several reforms including the creation of the protocol on aggression in 1978, the 1981 Mutual Assistance on Defense (MAD) and finally the 1993 revised treaty of ECOWAS. These reforms have shaped the organization from an intergovernmental organization to a supranational organization. As West Africans marked and celebrate 50 years of the existence of its regional organization, the ECOWAS, this article X-rays the history, change and continuity of ECOWAS, it's challenges and prospect in the 21st century
Challenges Faced by Indigenous People of Calabar Province in Firearm Imports and Licensing, 1917-1960.
*]:pointer-events-auto R6Vx5W_threadScrollVars scroll-mb-[calc(var(--scroll-root-safe-area-inset-bottom,0px)+var(--thread-response-height))] scroll-mt-(--header-height)" dir="auto" data-turn-id="1ec02a59-ea60-44d5-a278-024288496bab" data-testid="conversation-turn-77" data-scroll-anchor="false" data-turn="user"> *]:pointer-events-auto [content-visibility:auto] supports-[content-visibility:auto]:[contain-intrinsic-size:auto_100lvh] R6Vx5W_threadScrollVars scroll-mb-[calc(var(--scroll-root-safe-area-inset-bottom,0px)+var(--thread-response-height))] scroll-mt-[calc(var(--header-height)+min(200px,max(70px,20svh)))]" dir="auto" data-turn-id="request-69dd6f76-5618-83ea-92b7-663a949030ff-2" data-testid="conversation-turn-78" data-scroll-anchor="false" data-turn="assistant"> This study examines the challenges encountered by indigenous people of Calabar Province in firearm imports and licensing between 1917 and 1960. During this period, significant quantity of firearms was imported into the province, which necessitated the colonial authorities to impose a wide range of firearm regulatory laws through colonial legislation to regulate all aspects of firearms, including ownership, usage and imports. The attempt by some indigenous people of the province to comply with a regulated firearm regime appeared to have been challenging. This study deployed the historical research design of the qualitative approach to analyse available historical evidence used in the study, while relying on primary sources of evidence complemented by secondary sources of evidence. The primary sources of evidence include Archival materials, such as intelligence reports on districts in Calabar Province, memoranda and circulars on firearm imports and licensing, as well as official permits to bear firearms. The secondary sources of evidence are drawn from the analysis and interpretation of primary evidence, which include book chapters, journals, articles, research papers, newspapers and magazines relating to Calabar Province on firearm imports and licensing obtained from the University of Calabar library. The Journal of Historical Society of Nigeria Journal of African History, among others, served as vital sources of evidence. The findings of the study show that an assortment of factors, regarding the procedure for obtaining valid firearm licenses, posed significant challenges to some indigenous people of the province during the colonial era. Therefore, the imposition of a series of firearm regulatory laws by the colonial authorities in the Southern Provinces of Nigeria, including Calabar Province, appeared to have resulted in assortment of challenges that militated against the attempt by indigenous people of the province to comply with extant firearm regulations, especially in firearm imports and licensing.
Proliferation and Firearms Regulatory Laws
*]:pointer-events-auto [content-visibility:auto] supports-[content-visibility:auto]:[contain-intrinsic-size:auto_100lvh] R6Vx5W_threadScrollVars scroll-mb-[calc(var(--scroll-root-safe-area-inset-bottom,0px)+var(--thread-response-height))] scroll-mt-[calc(var(--header-height)+min(200px,max(70px,20svh)))]" dir="auto" data-turn-id="request-69dd6f76-5618-83ea-92b7-663a949030ff-0" data-testid="conversation-turn-76" data-scroll-anchor="false" data-turn="assistant"> Bargaining has long been a central feature of international diplomacy and continues to play a significant role in contemporary interstate relations. It is often assumed that powerful and economically advanced states possess inherent advantages in negotiation processes, enabling them to influence outcomes in their favor when engaging with weaker and less developed states. This assumption is historically grounded in the evolution of international relations, which has largely been shaped by power dynamics and political dominance. Traditionally, a state’s bargaining strength is associated with several factors, including geopolitical position, economic stability, military capability, and overall national influence. However, this paper critically examines whether the possession of such advantages necessarily guarantees dominance in negotiation or diminishes the bargaining capacity of weaker states. Drawing from both legal and psychological perspectives, the paper argues that successful negotiation and sustainable agreements are fundamentally dependent on mutual consent between parties, whether in domestic or international contexts. It further contends that effective bargaining is rooted in psychological principles of interaction, where the assertiveness of stronger or wealthier states does not automatically negate the negotiating power or participation of weaker or less developed states.
This paper "Anglo-Afikpo War, 1902-1903", discusses the war that pitted the traditional Afikpo warriors against the British colonial force. The paper argues that the Anglo-Afikpo War of 1902-1903, has not received adequate scholarly attention and has not been addressed in military history context. It is in the light of the above that this research addresses the war battles as well as the British conquest of Afikpo within the period: 1902-1903. The findings reveal that there were actual war plans by the belligerent parties taking into consideration: mobilisation, battle order, weaponry, strategy and tactics. The paper concludes that Afikpo did not lose the war as a result of the British military superiority, but as a result of the indigenous allies of the British colonialists who sabotaged Afikpo people's war efforts and designs. The reason for this argument is that regular European forces with military superiority have suffered defeat in the hands of irregular African forces with crude or primitive weapons as was the experience in the battle of Adowa in 1896 among other instances. The paper relied on primary sources of different kinds such as oral interviews and archival documents among others, and on secondary materials such as unpublished works, books and journals. The study adopted the descriptive and analytical pattern of historical research.
Weak State Syndrome and Civil War in South Sudan
South Sudan is the youngest state in Africa and, indeed, the world. It was created out of Sudan through a referendum on July 9 2011. With a total of 619,745 square kilometres land size, much of which is quite fertile for food production, a population of eleven million people and with the third largest oil reserves in Sub-Saharan Africa, one expected the new leaders of the country to employ this trinity of natural sources of power for rapid economic growth and development. But this is not to be. Instead, in December 2013 a political power struggle broke out between President Sylva Kiir and his ex-vice President Rich Machar, which degenerated into a Civil War. So far, the war has resulted in the dead of 10,000 people, 1,000,000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) inside South Sudan and about 400,000 citizens who have fled to neighbouring countries, particularly Sudan, The Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Kenya and Uganda. This is a tragedy of immense proportion in a country that at independence was one of the poorest in the world with little infrastructure and few social structures. This paper uses the state-making theories to examine the state-building processes in South Sudan and particularly the triggers of conflicts, crises and Civil War. It is observed that the challenges of South Sudan revolve around the issues of the weak state syndrome which in turn triggers its Civil War.
Coercive Diplomacy in Inter State Relations: A Study of the United Nations and Non-Military Sanctions, 1965-2003
One of the strategic challenges facing members of international community since the emergence of modern state system especially in the post Second World War era is the avoidance of great power war and the use of brute force in the settlement of international disputes. The risk that a local aimed conflict could escalate into another World War put a premium on policies and instruments that sought to prevent this worst-case scenario. One of the instruments used in achieving these objectives is the instruments of Coercive diplomacy which seeks to resolve crises and armed conflict without resorts to the use of force or a full scale War. Coercive diplomacy may take the form of moral condemnation, deterrence, sanctions, and severing of diplomatic relations, Article 41 of the United Nations Charter provides the use of non-military sanctions against states that threatens international peace and security. It further authorizes the Security Council to enforce its decisions through complete or practical interruptions of economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal, telegraph, radio and other means of communication and the severance of diplomatic relations. This paper examines the use of non-military sanctions diplomatic and economic measures by the United Nations in resolving international crisis. Using notable examples, as case studies, the paper submit that though the diplomatic strategy or the use of non-military sanctions has not been a resounding success, it remains veritable instruments of addressing conflict prone situations in the international political system.
Nigeria and Socio-Economic Development in the Fourth Republic
This paper analyses the trends in economic policy and social realities in Nigeria, with particular focus on the Fourth Civilian Republic. It underscores the appreciable impact of economic policy reforms on stimulating growth and observes that the positive growth in gross domestic product (GDP) per capita remains insufficient to reduce poverty. Irrespective of this projection, Nigeria has the potential for greatness. The discourse goes on to give a systematic overview of economic policy and social reality in the Fourth Republic 1999-2007. The paper evaluates the dramatic transfer of power in Nigeria from the military to civilians in 1999 and posits that Nigeria has so far made considerable progress in democracy, despite all odds. Nevertheless, the paper concludes that in order to meet the challenge of developing its human and natural resource potential, Nigeria must achieve the twin objectives of faster growth and greater equity.
Culture, Tourism and National Integration in Nigeria John Jakada Manasseh
The state of affairs that preceded Nigeria's independence and its mergence as a nation state nurtured an idea of a promising nation of greatness. However, that outburst of hope was short-lived by sudden incursions resulting from various crises that personified its existence and the woes that plunged the young country into a confused state, battered by instability, and disunity. To that extend, lots of issues surrounding Nigeria's existence as one indivisible entity have for decades been threatened and subjected to ridicule against the backdrop of its multi-ethnic conglomeration and identity crisis. Though concerted efforts were made in a bid to nip the issues at its bud; but, it appears only little had been achieved thus far. Little wonder the continuous relapse in spite of all adopted and invented strategies. Suffice it to say, the events of the past had the heads of both military and civilian governments under pressure to fashion out ways of tackling the menace. In all of that, less attention was given to the culture and tourism sector. This paper examines the roles of culture and tourism as cohesive factors in tackling the difficult and appalling problems of Nigeria's national cohesion. It notes that the inability to surmount the apparent challenges of disunity was exacerbated by the obvious neglect of the sector. Hence, the paper suggests that the solution to the long range schism lies in the history of cultural diversity and laying much emphasis on that would help greatly to foster national unity in Nigeria.
Maritime Domain Awareness and Coastal Insurgency in Nigeria's South East
The historiography of Nigeria's southeast seemed to have overlooked its geographical peculiarities as an area awash with maritime features and vulnerable to maritime based crimes in the form of coastal insurgencies. The paper located Nigeria's Southeast in the context of the extant relationship between maritime domain awareness and coastal insurgency. It identified the maritime domain of the southeast as thriving in the "gray area" between criminal activity and armed conflict necessitating a range of military operations. The paper argued that Nigeria's southeast suffered all the trapping of coastal insurgency manifested in varying dimensions of maritime threats. It identified this to thrive upon weak maritime domain awareness (MDA) made possible by the wholesome combination of weak state capacity, governance capacity, location of strength gradient, ungoverned/ungovernable spaces, and vulnerability quotient.
Age Grade Associations and Capital Formation: A Case Study of Ndi-Igbo of Southeast Nigeria
Ndi-Igbo of southeast Nigeria developed institutions mechanisms that encouraged both their socio-economic development and growth at the individual, group and community levels. In the area of capital formation among the people, age grade associations existed as indigenous institutions through which the people accessed resources to attend to their needs. The paper concluded that age grade associations operated as pressure groups which were pervasively used by the village bureaucracies to mobilize the people to achieve economic, political and socio-cultural gains. As a means of capital creation, the contributions of this viable institution could not be overemphasized. The descriptive and analytical methods were adopted in writing this work.
The Influx of Igbo Migrants and Intergroup Relations in Zaria, 1900-1965
Throughout human history, migration has remained one of the most important factors in the emergence and development of communities. The ancient city of Zaria evolved overtime as a result of migration of groups from near and distant communities. These groups of migrants included Yoruba, Kanuri, Fulani, Igbo, Hausa groups from neighbouring towns like Kano, Katsina and several smaller ethnic groups from Southern Kaduna. Migrant groups including the Igbo groups were attracted to Zaria due to: (a) Its strategic location on a network of old trade routes, the construction of motorable roads and railways; (b) the fertility of the soil and availability of water for agriculture; (c) availability of employment in the Colonial government and colonial economy. This paper examines these factors in relation to the influx of the Igbo migrants and their relations with other groups in Zaria within the period. The focus of this paper is on the role the Igbo migrants played in the growth and development of Zaria. The paper adopts the qualitative and thematic method of research which relies on the use of primary sources collected from the field and secondary sources from extant literature. The paper concludes that the influx of Igbo migrants in Zaria impacted on the social set up of Nigeria positively through the harmonious coexistence between the Igbo migrants and the host community. The paper recommends that the present day society should draw from the lessons of the past as source of unity and strength for the country
Pre-Colonial Political System in Ebira-land
This paper attempts a reconstruction of the Ebira Political Administration before the arrival of the colonialist into the political scene of the Ebira people. The Ebira political system, before the advent of colonialism practice a decentralized system of administration characterized by a nuclei clan and age grade system thereby resenting any form of unified central authority that is capable of wielding general control over the clans and age-grade. The Ebira people, unlike what is Eminent today, have a different political and administrative setting during the pre-colonial era. Before the colonial construct and manipulations of Ebira political system, the Ebira practiced a purely indigenous system of local self-rule anchored on the clan and age-grade system that has become a well-entrenched and popularly accepted pattern of governing the people in their different settlement patterns. The head of the clan was the oldest male member, though his political power was remarkably nominal, having authority mainly over his immediate family. The clan head represented the economic interest properties in trust for the clan. This paper, also, seek to examine the rationale behind the forced change in the political arrangements of the Ebira people against the existing status-quo observed then, its economic and social implication on the people of Ebira land. The central objectives of this paper are to unravel the real intentions of the colonialist sudden meddling and impedance of the Ebira polity and the after-math of this foray.
Emmanuel Ayankannui Ayandele: The Man and African Historiography
Hedoriography which is largely concerned with the writings and methods of historians has evolved over the years and led to the manifestation of different types, namely: Western, African and Oral hustoriographies. Among these, the Western Historiography dominated the writing of African history until the middle of the twentieth century when an increasing number of African scholars merged, questioned and challenged the methodology and perspective dopted in the study and writing of African history. Incidentally, the contributions of these intellectual giants to the emergence of African Istoriography have not been given adequate attention by historians t the later period. Against this backdrop, the importance of this essay to analyse the contributions of one of these titans of history, Emmanuel Ayandele to the development of African historiography.
Nigeria's Membership of the Organisation of Islamic Conference: A Study of the Role of Personality in Foreign Policy
Across many fields of human endeavour, leadership and its personality traits have long been recognized as an important variable that influence the success and failures of events. Also, the course of history from the days of yores till date is determined by the decisions of political leaders. Leaders and the kind of leadership they exert shape the way in which policies are made and the consequent behaviour of states either in the domestic or foreign domains. This assertion underscores the fact that individuals are not mere pawns on the chessboard of politics but active agents of political change, actors and authors of the drama of history. This paper examines the role played by few political elites during the 1 Babangidas' regime in Nigeria's diplomatic initiative to upgrade Nigeria's membership status in the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC). The paper submit that policies and consequent behaviour of states in municipal and global politics are the results of personal actions and discretions of leaders.
Late Pope John Paul II (1920-2005) and his Contributions to World Peace
Karol Józef Wojtyla, the youngest of the three children of Karol Wojtyla and Emilia Kaczorowska was born in 1920 in the Polish town of Wadowice. At the age of twenty, he had lost the company of his above siblings and to survive, he started to work as a messenger for a restaurant, manual labourer in a limestone quarry and later at solvay chemical factory to avoid deportation to Germany. He later knocked at the door of the Bishop's palace in krarków in 1942 and asked for permission to study for the sacred priesthood and was ordained a priest on All Saint's Day, November 1, 1946. A strong, passionate and charismatic priest and Bishop who later occupied the chair of St. Peter. Late John Paul II was the first non-Italian and the longest serving pope in 445 years. A pope that neither the church nor the world expected and whose 25 years was characterized by surprises which began on the very night of his election. He was a spiritual protagonist who master-minded the fall of communism in his native country Poland and also ensured the survival of Christianity into the third millennium. Late John Paul II wrote 14 papal encyclicals and taught about sexuality in what was referred to as the Theology of the Body. A conservative on doctrine and issues relating to human sexual reproduction, a strong opponent of homosexuality and ordination of women to sacred priesthood, the most travelled pope in history as he visited 129 countries during his pontificate. Late Pope John Paul II campaigned extensively for world peace, fought against mafia violence in southern Italy and regularly led diplomatic initiatives to negotiate peace in the Middle East. He was in the later part of his life regarded as a living saint. No wonder he was canonized a saint not long after his demise and referred to as Saint John Paul The Great.
Prognosis of Nigeria's Relations with the Arab World
Historically, Africans and Arabs have maintained contacts through trade, pilgrimage and scholarly exchange before the arrival of Islam in sub-Saharan Africa by the turn of the 8th century AD. These relations, particularly between Nigeria and Arab countries spanned the colonial era and accelerated after independence. However, Nigeria-Arab relations appear to have been threatened in recent years by the overbearing influence of the West on Nigeria. This study, therefore, carries out a prognosis on the future of these relations. It identifies issues and areas of cooperation that can provide the basis for sustained Nigeria-Arab solidarity which will in the long run result in economic development of Nigeria. The paper adopts historical/descriptive analysis methodology to interrogate autobiographies, theological tracts, conference proceedings, pilgrimage memoirs and secondary documents that deal with contacts between Nigeria and the Arab world. The findings of this paper show that these relations, if strengthened, should play decisive roles in international politics and will constitute a formidable force capable of ushering in socio-economic development in the country. The paper recommends the creation, promotion and sustenance of broad exchanges and interaction as well as discussions in cultural, political and economic fields with the Arab world.
Battle of the Feet or Fists? A Historical Narrative on Hooliganism in Ghanaian Soccer, 1957-2007
This work recounts, chronologically, acts of vandalism and violence committed by some players, officials and spectators in the game of football (soccer) in the history of the sport in Ghana. The history of sports in general and football in particular has not received much attention by historians and researchers within the historiography of Ghana. It is against this background that this paper, using newspaper publications and interviews, attempts an exposition on the causes and effects of hooliganism in Ghanaian soccer from 1957 to 2007. The paper shows that the beauty of the sport (both locally and on the international scene) had been blighted by acts of hooliganism arising from wide and varied issues including ignorance of the laws governing the sport and corrupt practices among some match officials and administrators which mostly infuriated spectators to cause violence hence destroying properties and causing harm to people.